However you choose to trace their origins, these new tactics are perfectly in accord with the general anarchistic inspiration of the movement, which is less about seizing state power than about exposing, delegitimizing and dismantling mechanisms of rule while winning ever-larger spaces of autonomy from it. Ultimately, it aspires to be much more than that, because ultimately it aspires to reinvent daily life as whole. None were even slightly hurt — perhaps police are given aversion therapy against hitting anyone in a tuxedo.

Then, finally, when you call for consensus, you ask if anyone wishes to ‘block’ or ‘stand aside’.

As Marcos explains their conversion from standard tactics of guerrilla war: Response! But just because something is complicated does not mean there is no way to do it democratically.

If you answered “yes”, then you are used to acting like an anarchist! Activists have dressed up as border guards, built boat-bridges across the River Oder and blockaded Frankfurt Airport with a full classical orchestra to protest against the deportation of immigrants (deportees have died of suffocation on Lufthansa and KLM flights).

It is about creating and enacting horizontal networks instead of top-down structures like states, parties or corporations; networks based on principles of decentralized, non-hierarchical consensus democracy. In fact, we have not even begun to think about what our lives could be like if technology were really marshaled to fit human needs. Often, at this point, people in the group will propose ‘friendly amendments’ to add to the original proposal, or otherwise alter it, to ensure concerns are addressed.


Four? There have been all sorts of attempts to frame alternative expressions — we’re a ‘global justice movement’, we’re a movement ‘against corporate globalization’. The effect is only increased when lines of costumed figures attack police with balloons and water pistols or, like the ‘Pink Bloc’ at Prague and elsewhere, dress as fairies and tickle them with feather dusters.

It’s one thing to say, ‘Another world is possible’. We should remember that during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, when most Marxist parties were rapidly becoming reformist social democrats, anarchism and anarcho-syndicalism were the centre of the revolutionary left. Nobody knows because no one is even asking this kind of question. And is there really any reason to believe this? In reality, nothing could be further from the truth.

Whereas the moment the Cold War ended, and war between industrialized powers once again seemed unthinkable, anarchism reappeared just where it had been at the end of the nineteenth century, as an international movement at the very centre of the revolutionary left. At the FTAA summit in Quebec City last summer, invisible lines that had previously been treated as if they didn’t exist (at least for white people) were converted overnight into fortifications against the movement of would-be global citizens, demanding the right to petition their rulers. Hardly surprising: if it were not possible to effectively imprison the majority of people in the world in impoverished enclaves, there would be no incentive for Nike or The Gap to move production there to begin with.

The Revolutionary Anarchist Clown Bloc, with their high bicycles, rainbow wigs and squeaky mallets, confused the cops by attacking each other (or the billionaires).

Do you really believe those things you tell your children (or that your parents told you)? Spokescouncils, for example, are large assemblies that coordinate between smaller ‘affinity groups’. They wanted us to dialogue.

In this we’ve drawn particularly, as I’ve noted, on examples from outside the Western tradition, which almost invariably rely on some process of consensus finding, rather than majority vote.

Anarchists are simply people who believe human beings are capable of behaving in a reasonable fashion without having to be forced to. But it seems to me that here, too, the really crucial origins lie with the Zapatistas, and other movements in the global South. [Chapter 4 in this volume] Grinde, Donald A. The corporate media here is probably the most politically monolithic on the planet: neoliberalism is all there is to see — the background reality; as a result, the word itself cannot be used.

David Graeber, the anthropologist and bestselling author, whose unexpected death on 2 September at the age of 59 has shocked the international left, was such a rare cultural phenomenon. This summer’s camp is planned for Strasbourg, home of the Schengen Information System, a search-and-control database with tens of thousands of terminals across Europe, targeting the movements of migrants, activists, anyone they like.

The effort to destroy existing paradigms is usually quite self-conscious.

Every once in a while, a thinker revolutionises the way we see the world and helps us reimagine the things we once took for granted. Much of the hesitation, I suspect, lies in the reluctance of those who have long fancied themselves radicals of some sort to come to terms with the fact that they are really liberals: interested in expanding individual freedoms and pursuing social justice, but not in ways that would seriously challenge the existence of reigning institutions like capital or state.

Once they understand that their opinions really do matter just as much as anyone else’s, they tend to become remarkably understanding.

Anarchists believe that power corrupts and those who spend their entire lives seeking power are the very last people who should have it. We thought the people would either not pay attention to us, or come together with us to fight. The Answer May Surprise You! This, the Declaration made clear, was ‘not an organizing structure; it has no central head or decision maker; it has no central command or hierarchies. And it is difficult to find anyone who has fully participated in such an action whose sense of human possibilities has not been profoundly transformed as a result.

Blocking is a way of saying ‘I think this violates the fundamental principles or purposes of being in the group’.
By 1900, even the use of passports was considered an antiquated barbarism.


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